The Discussions of S.A. Dange with the
C.P.S.U.(b)
(July-September 1947)
Published below are the
transcripts of three discussions held by S.A. Dange with the Soviet leadership,
along with ancillary documents, shortly before and after the transfer of power
in India and Pakistan in 1947. They may be seen as the beginning of a series of
contacts and exchanges between the leaderships of the CPI and the CPSU(b) which
included the discussions of 1951 in which J.V. Stalin was a participant and
which culminated in the formation of the programme and tactical line of the
Communist Party of India of that year. The participation of A.A. Zhdanov and
M.A. Suslov, both leading theorists of the period, in the second and third
discussions with Dange indicates the importance which the CPSU(b) attached to
these exchanges. The visit of S.A. Dange to the USSR was prompted by the need
of the CPI to establish permanent contacts with the CPSU(b) and to receive
fraternal assistance and advice on the policies and tactics of the Indian
communist party. These concerns were voiced in the report submitted by Dange on
24th July 1947 to the Staff of the Department of Foreign Policy of the Central
Committee of the CPSU (b). In his exposition Dange noted the temporary
narrowing of support for the CPI amongst its urban sympathisers who were unable
to understand the logical basis for the policy of People's War but also its
broadening amongst the working class and the peasantry. Dange argued that the
new Congress and Muslim League governments in India and Pakistan enjoyed the
support of the people despite the domination of the 'extreme right section' in
their leaderships and their compromising tendencies in relation to British
imperialism. He underlined the influx of landlords, industrialists, traders and
moneylenders into the Congress Party on the eve of 'independence'. While the
CPI had put forward its own people's democratic perspectives it had rendered
support to the national construction programme of the new Indian government.
S.A. Dange did not allude to the June 1947 evaluation of the CPI which regarded
the Mountbatten plan as a certain step forward rather than as an imperialist
manoeuvre which the party later in the year retracted as a right opportunist
mistake. The CPI, in order to preserve the unity of the Indian people, did not
support the formation of a separate Communist Party in Pakistan or, indeed, of
separate mass organisations. Dange augments our knowledge of the reformist
understanding of the CPGB on the possibility of a peaceful transition to
socialism in Britain and reveals from his own experiences how the British party
— in line with the revisionist theses of Earl Browder — anticipated that the
anti-fascist powers would provide a just and democratic solution to the
colonial question so that it was not necessary to intensify the national
liberation movements in the colonial countries. We are also provided with new
insights into the organisational problems of the Communist Party of Burma.
The second discussion of
16th August 1947 touched upon a wide range of questions: the character of the
new bourgeois and landlord states of India and Pakistan which were compromising
with British imperialism, the characterisation of the Congress Party and the
Muslim League and their leaders, the propagation of communalism by imperialism,
the implications of the establishment of the new state of Pakistan, the
evolution of the CPI policy on Pakistan, the position of the anti-feudal
struggles, the position of the 'untouchables' in the trade unions and the
agrarian struggles etc. Particularly valuable are the numerous probings made by
Zhdanov on the Indian socio-economic situation, the different levels of
industrial development in the subcontinent, the position of the agrarian
struggles, the importance of the remnants of the caste system, the role of the
'untouchables' in the democratic organisations, the attitude of the Hindu and
Muslim masses to the division of India.
This free and frank
discussion sheds a flood of light on the thinking of the CPI and the standpoint
and concerns of the CPSU(b) on the central questions of the Indian revolution
in the period of the transfer of power — a period which is sparsely covered in
the existing documentary collections of the CPI. At the close of the discussion
Zhdanov informed Dange that the evaluation of the line of the CPI that he
demanded could only be made after informing Stalin and holding consultations
with the Central Committee of the Soviet party. In the third and final
discussion of 6th September 1947 Zhdanov informed Dange that this process had
been completed. He also cautioned Dange that the Central Committee of the
CPSU(b) was making its suggestions with regard to the policies of the CPI and
that these were not to be understood as directives. These remarks confirm the
practising of democratic norms by the CPSU(b) with the fraternal parties in the
period of Lenin and Stalin.
First, Zhdanov
recommended on behalf of the Central Committee of the CPSU (b) that as two
states, India and Pakistan, had come into existence it was essential to have
separate Communist Parties and Trade Unions so that no party was deprived of
the right and possibility to influence the affairs of state. Second, it was
suggested that the Communist Party of India reorganise itself and form a Party
of Labour. Similar advice had been tendered by Joseph Stalin to Enver Hoxha in
July 1947 (E. Hoxha, 'With Stalin, Memoirs', Tirana, 1979, p. 62) with regard
to the Communist Party of Albania. A number of the Communist Parties in the
people's democratic states had similarly re-established themselves. Stalin and
Zhdanov opined that in those countries where the peasantry were a major force
they were fearful of the communists as they imagined that they would be
divested of their lands, and so preferred to be organised in other parties. The
party could revert to its communist name once the peasantry had acquired
confidence in the Party of Labour, when it had linked itself indissolubly with
the party and the working class, and the movement had shifted to a higher
stage. This recommendation may have come as a bolt from the blue for Dange as
the class composition of the CPI and the social structure of India and Pakistan
had not been the subject of detailed discussion in his exchange with Zhdanov.
The final suggestion made by Zhdanov was that the CPI needed to pay serious
attention to the elimination of the remnants of the caste system as these
distinctions obstructed the working people from recognising the distinctions of
class.
This suggestion retains
its force today. Retarded industrial development has ensured that only the
pre-conditions exist for industrialisation in contemporary India rather than
the essential characteristic of industrialisation, the production of machinery
by machinery, as a result of which only a small percentage of the population is
engaged in the industrial sector. In the absence of a democratic solution to
the agrarian question the fitful attempts to follow the path of agrarian
capitalism have formed only a semi-feudal capitalism which maximises the
retention of the pre-capitalist tribal, caste and feudal forms of labour.
The survivals of the
caste system remain as a challenge to the communist movement today.
Vijay Singh
No. 1.
Top Secret
Transcript of the Discussion of S.A. Dange,
Member of the CC of the Communist Party of India
with the Staff of the Dept. of Foreign Policy,
CC AUCP/b/ Held on 24 July 1947.
S.A. Dange, member of
the Central Committee of the Communist Party of India during the discussion
informed us about the following:
P.C. Joshi, the General
Secretary of the Communist Party of India assigned him to secure entry into the
USSR, meet any of the leading members of the CC AUCP/b/ and put before them the
question of establishing regular ties between the Communist Party of India and
the AUCP/b/, so that the Indian communists can receive from the CC AUCP/b/
fraternal support and advice on important questions of policy and tactics in
the new and extremely complex conditions.
Taking into account the
great interest in the USSR among different sections of the Indian people, Dange
also asked for permission to send a group of committed communists to the USSR
from India for learning the Russian language and socialist construction in the
USSR so that they can bring improvements in the work of popularizing the USSR
in India.
Further, Dange gave a
short account of the present state of the Communist Party of India.
At present the Communist
Party of India has 100,000 members. During the recent plenum of the CC a
decision was taken to call the 2nd Congress of the party in September of this
year. Intense preparations are being conducted for holding this Congress in all
of the organizations of the party.
In connection with the
tactic of supporting the British in the war against Hitler’s Germany and Japan,
a large section of intelligentsia and urbanized petty bourgeoisie, which were
earlier under the influence of the Communist Party, have now distanced
themselves from it. In the opinion of these sections, the Communist Party sank
to a position of compromise in relation to British imperialism, whereas the
National Congress, which came out against supporting the British in the war, is
viewed as an organization that is fighting for the national interests of the
Indian people. In that period the Communist Party could maintain its influence
only among the working class and partially among the peasants’ organizations.
Subsequently, when the correctness of the political line of the Communist Party
was vindicated by the events during the war and the post-war period, the
attitude changed towards it.
The day-to-day struggle
of the Communist Party for national interests and also for the democratic and
economic rights of the working people has again strengthened the trust of the
masses in the Communist Party. The largest organization of the working class –
The All India Congress of Trade Unions is led by the Communist Party.
Gradually, the influence of the Communist Party in the peasants’ unions (Kisan
Sabhas) is also increasing. The most influential peasants’ unions – those of
Punjab and Bombay, Madras and Central Provinces are led by the Communists. In
Bihar, Orissa and the United Provinces base of the peasants’ movement has been
created by the workers of the Communist Party specially sent for the purpose by
the CC. In the Bengal province the Muslim peasants’ union is under the
influence of the Communist Party. The Communist Party has considerable
influence in the Students Federation, though it does not have youth
organizations of its own.
Shortcomings in the
preparation of party cadres do not allow the Communist Party to encompass the
rapidly developing movement in the country in an organized manner. A lack of cadres
in rural areas is felt exceptionally seriously. Work among the youth is another
weak area.
In connection with the
creation of two dominions in India, Dange mentioned the growth of the influence
of the Congress and the Muslim League. Both the newly created governments of
India and Pakistan enjoy the support of the people, notwithstanding the fact
that the majority of the ministers in both the governments belong to the
extreme right section of the leadership of the Congress and the Muslim League
who tend to compromise with English imperialism.
The right wing of the
Congress which extensively publicises the ‘independence’ achieved by peaceful
means is gaining strength inside the Congress through the influx of thousands
of landlords, industrialists, traders, and money lenders into the Congress as
the ruling party. This complicates the conditions for the communists. After
giving a negative assessment of the division of the country into two states,
the Communist Party, however, has declared its support for the programme of
national reconstruction that was announced by the national government of India.
The Communist Party has set before itself the objective of achieving the
democratic resolution of the agrarian question – the liquidation of the large
land holdings without the purchase of land from landlords, social insurance,
the establishment of wage norms and the nationalization of the main sectors of
industry. The Communist Party will expose all the attempts of the right wing of
the Congress to conduct national reconstruction at the cost of the workers and
also the tendency of the reactionaries to reach compromises with the English
colonialists.
The Communist Party, in
its fight to maintain and strengthen the unity of the Indian people, has taken
the decision not to allow a division of mass organizations into two parts:
Indian and Pakistani. The creation of an independent Communist Party in Pakistan
has been condemned by the leadership of the CPI, moresoever, as Teja Singh, the
organiser of the Communist Party of Pakistan was expelled from the membership
of the CC and the party two months ago for factional activities and the misuse
of party finances.
Commenting on the
relations between the Communist Party of India and the Communist Party of
England, Dange characterized them as normal, however, he underlined that the
Indian communists do not expect serious support from the English Communist
Party as they consider that the leadership of the British Communist party does
not have an in-depth understanding of the problems of the colonized peoples,
specifically the Indian problem. Dange stated that a part of the activists of
the English Communist Party is not free of social-democratic ideas, in
particular, the idea about the possibility in the post-war period of a peaceful
transition to socialism.
As an example, Dange,
cited the following fact: during his long stay in London in 1945, the CC of the
English Communist Party organized classes on the national question for the
party members. It was suggested that Dange read a few lectures. After the first
lecture, in which he put before the audience the question of the necessity of
intensifying the movement for national independence in the colonies and showed
the illusory nature of the expectation that the imperialist powers would
voluntarily give up their rule in the colonies, he was summoned to the CC,
where it was sought to convince him that the union of the great democratic
countries of the world formed during the war, under contemporary conditions,
will provide a just and democratic resolution of the colonial question, and
therefore, orienting the masses toward an expansion of national liberation
movements would be unjustified. Dange did not accept this explanation and so
had to give up the further reading of his lectures.
To the question whether
the Communist Party of India knows anything regarding the split in the
Communist Party of Burma that occurred in February 1946, Dange replied that the
split in the Party did not occur due to political reasons but due to personal
differences in the leadership of the Party. The Takin Soe Group, that is
underground at present, is represented as a ‘left wing’ and even Trotskyite
grouping by its rivals. This is not true. Takin Soe is one of the most gifted
leaders and a talented organizer who commands great respect among the working
people of Burma and is one of the more politically mature leaders. Takin Soe
did commit mistakes, but these mistakes must not be depicted as ‘leftwing’,
more so, as he had fairly quickly corrected these mistakes. A few months ago,
the CC of the Communist Party of India made a strong suggestion to both the
communist groups of Burma to unite as they do not have any fundamental
differences. However, Dange did not know if any action was taken on this
suggestion. The present situation in Burma allows us to conclude that the
Communist Party of Burma has yet not come out of its formative phase. There are
communist groups but no Party. Each of the groups contends to be the Party.
The discussion was held
by
Head of the Section of DFP S/d (Plishevskii)
Instructor S/d (Kozlov)
RGASPI F. 17 Op. 128 D.
1127 LL. 202-205.
No. 2.
Secret
To
The Secretary of the CC
AUCP/b/
Comrade A.A. Zhdanov
Secretary of the CC
AUCP/b/
Comrade M.A. Suslov
S.A. Dange, the Chairman
of All India Congress of Trade Unions and member of the Communist Party of
India who has come to Moscow on a visit on the invitation of the ACCTU
(All-Union Central Council of Trade Unions – ed.). In discussions with the
staff of the CC AUCP/b/ said that he has been assigned by P.C. Joshi, the
General Secretary of the Communist Party of India, to meet someone from the
leadership of the CC AUCP/b/ in order to discuss a number of issues of a
political nature and ask for appraisal and suggestions for the documents ‘A
Call to the People of India’ and ‘A Memorandum to the Interim Government on the
Communist and Workers’ Policies’ which are under preparation; to agree to
establish permanent contacts with CC AUCP/b/, so that the Communist Party of
India can get brotherly support and advice on significant questions of policy
and tactics, and to agree to send to the USSR a group of committed Communists
and also to inform the CC AUCP/b/ about the state of the Communist Party of
India.
At present S.A. Dange is
on a visit to various cities and regions of USSR (Leningrad, Magnitogorsk,
Uzbek SSR) and would return on 10th August.
A note regarding S.A.
Dange, a letter from Dange for the Secretary of the CC AUCP/b/, notes of the
discussions with the Department of the CC AUCP (b) and a note on the ‘Draft of
a Call to The People of India’ with the comments of the staff of CC AUCP/b/ are
attached.
Waiting for your
instructions
Asst. Head
Dept. of CC AUCP/b/
/L. Baranov/
"2" August
1947.
N25-g-2090
RGASPI F. 17 Op. 128 D.
1127 L. 195.
No. 3.
Absolutely Secret
To
Comrade Stalin I.V.
Comrade Molotov V.M.
Comrade Zhdanov A.A.
Comrade Beria L.P.
Comrade Mikoyan A.I.
Comrade Malenkov G.M.
Comrade Voznesensky N.A.
I place before you the
transcript of the discussions with S.A. Dange, Chairman of the All India
Congress of Trade Unions and a member of the CC of the Communist Party of India
who is on a visit to the USSR on the invitation of the ACCTU, a letter from
com. Dange for the Secretary of the CC AUCP/b/, the annotation of the document
‘A Call to The People of India’ submitted by him and a testimonial of S.A.
Dange.
The other document that
Dange talks about ‘A Memorandum to the Interim Government regarding the Policy
of the Communists and the Workers’ is not being sent as the document does not
have any significance separately and only elaborates some of the issues put
forward in ‘A Call To the People of India’.
(M. Suslov)
6 August 1947
N25-C-2112
Material from the Secretariat of com. Suslov M.A.
Special packet through Techsecretariat
6.VIII-47.
RGASPI F. 17 Op. 128 D.
1127 L. 201.
No. 4.
Shripat Amrit Dange
Member of the Executive
Council
All India Federation of Trade Unions
Member of the CC Communist Party of India
He was born in 1899.
Member of the CP of India since 1924. One of the founding members and active
worker of the Communist Party of India and the All India Federation of Trade
Unions. He is a well known literary critic. Eminent social and political
worker. Founder of the first workers’ newspaper in Marathi language. He has
been persecuted by the English authorities for communist and trade union
activities and was arrested a number of times and has stayed in jail for an
overall period of 13 years.
In 1928 he became the
general secretary of ‘Girni Kamgar’, the revolutionary trade union of textile
workers. Was jailed for communist activities and organisation of a strike.
In 1929-1936 was convicted
in the Meerut conspiracy case against the workers’ movement in India
In 1936-1939 was working
in the party and the trade union.
In 1939 was convicted to
4 months of rigorous imprisonment for organising the strike of textile workers.
In 1940-1943 was under
arrest for organisation of a general strike of textile workers in Bombay.
In 1943-1944 was
chairman of the All India Congress of Trade Unions.
In 1944-1945 he was a
delegate of the All India Congress at the World Trade Union Conference in
London. In October 1944 was the representative of the Communist Party of India
at the XVII Congress of the Communist Party of Great Britain in London.
In 1945-1947 he was the
vice chairman of the All India Congress of Trade Unions.
From October 1945 he is
the member of the Executive Committee and chairman of the General Council of
the World Federation of Trade Unions.
In 1946 he participated
in the work of the plenum of the EC World Federation of Trade Unions in Moscow.
Since February 1947 he
is the chairman of the All India Congress of Trade Unions.
s/d Plishevskii
RGASPI F.17 Op.128
D.1127 L. 216.
No. 5.
Top Secret
To,
Secretary CC AUCP (b)
Com. A.A. Zhdanov
Secretary CC AUCP (b)
Com. M.A. Suslov
I am forwarding the
transcript of your discussions with S.A. Dange, member of the CC Communist
Party of India and also his letter to the Secretary of the CC AUCP (b).
Deputy Head
Dept. of CC AUCP(b) (L. Baranov)
"18" August
1947
No. 25-F – 2240
RGASPI F.17 Op. 128. D.
1127 L.217.
No. 6.
Top Secret
To
The Secretary CC AUCP(B)
It is possible that some
moments in my statements during our talks were not completely clear because of
the language problem, therefore, I would take this opportunity and give in
writing those particular points to which I would like to draw your attention.
1. It is desirable that
presently the AUCP(b) pays more attention to the situation in India and express
its opinion in the form most acceptable to you. Your opinion, when it is
necessary, may be made known only to the Communist Party of India.
2. I request you to also
pay attention to the politics, tactics and slogans that the Communist Party of
India has been following in recent years and to give your assessment in a
manner of fraternal support to the Communist Party of India in its endeavour to
achieve its goals. I am confident that your party is not indifferent to these
questions but I want to underline its necessity in the new situation created in
India in the post-war period.
3. I assume that it is
necessary that we establish the mutual exchange of opinions and materials. It
is desirable that the forms and means of our ties be worked out before my
departure.
4. If it is possible I
request you to resolve to allow us to send the best of the members of the
Communist Party of India to the USSR for studies in party affairs.
5. I request permission
for the visits of writers and journalists from the Indian trade unions on the
recommendation of the Communist Party of India.
6. It is desirable that
the Communist Party of India is supplied with large quantities of material on
the Soviet Union.
7. I express my
readiness to discuss any question which you would think necessary to put to me.
Your Sincerely,
S.A. Dange
RGASPI F.17 O. 128 D
1127 L. 218.
No. 7.
Top Secret
Transcript of the Discussion of Comrade A.A. Zhdanov with
Com. Shripat Amrit Dange, Member of the CC of the Communist Party Of India
The discussion was held on 16.VIII.1947 from 6 pm to 8 pm
Participants in the
discussions:
Com. M.A. Suslov
Secretary of the CC AUCP(b)
Com. L.C. Baranov
Deputy Head of the Dept. of the CC AUCP (b)
Interpreted by com. I.I. Kozlov
Instructor Dept. of the CC AUCP (b)
Comrade Zhdanov and
Dange greet each other.
Com. Zhdanov asks com.
Dange which places he has managed to visit in the USSR during his stay, and how
are the arrangements for his stay etc.
Com. Dange says that he
has come as a guest of the AUCCTU and proper arrangement have been made and
that he does not need anything.
Then, com. Zhdanov
reminds com. Dange that Dange has requested that a meeting be arranged as well
as consultations on certain questions regarding the functioning of the
Communist Party of India. Com. Zhdanov tells him that they are now ready to
listen to Dange’s information.
Com. Dange said that he
has been out of India for quite some time, and that during this period
important changes have taken place in the country. In particular, now two
states have been established – Hindostan and Pakistan. A number of events have
taken place of which he does not know much but believes that in the struggle of
the Indian people no fundamental changes have occurred and that he can, if it
is of interest to you, inform you about the major ones.
Com. Zhdanov requests
com. Dange to inform him about the situation in India.
Com. Dange briefly spoke
about the situation in India. He said that essentially what characterizes the
political situation in India in 1947, in contrast to the earlier period, is
that the Indian masses – workers, peasants, petty bourgeoisie and the
population of the princely states – are now all involved in the movement
against British imperialism.
This explains – said
com. Dange – that British imperialism is now forced to use tactics of dividing
the unity of Indian organizations and peoples’ democratic forces. This tactic
of British imperialism is not a new one and it has been utilized even earlier.
The new dimension in these tactics is that British imperialism has been
successful in spreading religious hatred right down to the grassroots and the
mass of the people.
If earlier – says com
Dange – Hindu-Muslim contradictions were present mainly among the
bourgeois-nationalist elite, now the British have managed to sow these
contradictions among the masses too.
If earlier the trade
unions in India were established on a class basis, today attempts are being made
to create them on a religious criterion.
The same could be said
about the peasants’ and other social organizations. If the English – says com.
Dange – were not able to break the unity of this movement, the united Indian
democratic organizations would have more strongly resisted the English.
A large number of facts
suggest that the leadership of the Congress and the Muslim League is in league
with English imperialism in this policy of creating a rift in the unity of the
Indian workers’ and democratic organizations.
Further, com. Dange
points out that if the influence of the Congress among the masses has increased
the leadership of the Congress has moved to the right. Capitalists, landowners
and speculators are present in large numbers in its leadership.
Com. Zhdanov: What is
Nehru – a capitalist or a landowner?
Com. Dange: A bourgeois.
Com. Zhdanov: And
Jinnah?
Com. Dange: Also a
bourgeois. He is an eminent advocate, has acquired a lot of money and has
invested it in enterprises. Nehru also belongs to a family of eminent advocates
and has invested his substantial savings in the Indian company of Tata.
Com. Dange continues. He
states that if power comes solely into the hands of the Indian National
Congress in one part and the Muslim League in the other, then no positive
changes would occur in the conditions of life of the Indian people because of
the social composition of the elite leadership of the Congress and the Muslim
League.
In the National Congress
– com. Dange states further – there are two wings: one of them with Patel at
its head is the extreme right and in its views and methods it resembles
fascism, and the second – the left wing with no leader is democratic in its
views and methods. At present all the power in the Congress is in the hands of
the right wing and Patel. This leadership is moving away more and more from
Nehru and Gandhi.
Com. Zhdanov: Are there
any elements in the Congress which would have support among the workers?
Com. Dange: The
influence of the Congress among the workers has begun to increase since 1942.
Nobody represents this tendency in the Congress. There are some individuals at
the lower organs of the Congress but none in the central leadership.
Com. Zhdanov: What is
the number of the membership of the Congress?
Com. Dange: Before the
war there were 6 million members. At the present there is a big inflow of
members but it is difficult to give a precise number.
Com. Zhdanov: What is
the method of awarding the membership – individual or collective?
Com Dange: At present it
is individual, but a reform is being drafted and it is being proposed to change
over exclusively to the collective method.
Com Suslov: What is the
explanation for this?
Com Dange: The
leadership of the Congress, frightened by the prospects of infiltration of left
elements into the Congress, want to organise admittance in such way so as to
restrict access to undesirable elements. Under the collective method they can
judge a particular organization that wants to gain admittance into the Congress
according to the leadership of the organization and thereby close the doors for
the left democratic elements and organizations.
After this com. Dange
characterised the foreign policies of the Indian National Congress.
He asserted that on the
question of foreign policy there were also two currents in the Congress. The
first current which is headed by Patel bases itself on the contradictions
between the three great countries : the USSR, England and the USA. Patel and
his adherents play on these contradictions and try to find a line on Indian
foreign policy by which they endeavour to hold to the Anglo-American bloc.
Patel and his group consider that in the new Indian State it is necessary to
retain fully all of the English bureaucrats and officers and to conclude a
military alliance with England. Patel is a proponent of weapons standardisation
on the common American model.
Com. Zhdanov: What is
Nehru’s line?
Com. Dange: Nehru has a
particular line. He believes that everything must be done in order to have
close, friendly state to state relations with the Soviet Union but Soviet
influence in India must not be permitted.
Com. Zhdanov: So Nehru
wants to bear all the burden of relations with the Soviet Union on his own back
and not let any one else share it?
Com. Dange: Nods
affirmatively to Com. Zhdanov’s joke.
Com. Zhdanov: What kind
of a person is the present Indian ambassador to the USSR, Nehru’s sister,
Vijaya Lakshmi? Does she have an independent line on questions of foreign
policy?
Com. Dange: Lakshmi does
not have an independent line. The most independent figure in the Embassy is her
secretary.
Com. Zhdanov: And in
general is she intelligent?
Com. Dange: No, not
very, at the level of a student.
Further com. Dange
switched to characterizing the internal policy of the government of India and
the conditions of the working class and the peasantry. He pointed out that the
present Indian government cannot solve even a single problem either of the
workers or of the peasants. The task is to create united workers’ and peasants’
organizations in order to force the government to satisfy the needs of the
workers and peasants, because otherwise if we are unable to do so, then the
English would crush the democratic organizations of India.
It must recognized –
says com. Dange – that the English policy in India at the present stage has
been very successful.
Continuing his depiction
of the situation in the country, com. Dange said: at present the movement has
become particularly intense in the princely states. This is explained by the
fact that the feudal oppression in the princely states is particularly severe,
much more severe than in the territories of British India. This is why the wide
masses living in the princely states are looking to us to lead them. In the
princely states – says com. Dange – there is a tussle between the Congress and
the English. The English want to place their agents there. In order to
undermine these attempts and to gain the leading role in the princely states,
the Congress is being forced to make certain concessions to the princely states
at the expense of the workers and the peasants.
Com. Zhdanov: Are the
princely states industrially less developed than the regions of British India?
Com. Dange: Yes. In some
of the princely states industries do exist, in the majority the remnants of
feudalism are very strong.
Com. Zhdanov: Thus there
the main form of struggle has an anti-feudal nature?
Com. Dange: Yes.
Com Zhdanov: Therefore a
peasant struggle?
Com. Dange: Yes.
Com. Zhdanov: What are
the organizational forms of the peasant movement?
Com. Dange: Most of the
actions of the peasants are directed against the landlords with the demand of
transferring the land to the peasants.
Com. Zhdanov: Are these
demands mainly put forward by the farm workers?
Com. Dange: By different
sections: small lease farmers, landless and farm workers, the majority of the
latter belong to the ‘untouchables’. The movement is conducted on two tracks:
on one hand, there are protests against the exploitation by rich farmers, and
on the other, for the rights of the ‘untouchables’.
Com. Zhdanov: What is
more dominant in the democratic organizations in India – the common national
interests or the caste remnants?
Com. Dange: There are
about 60 million ‘untouchables’ in India. The Congress, various petty bourgeois
organizations and we communists are contesting to win leadership position among
them.
Com. Zhdanov: Are there
‘untouchables’ in the general trade unions or do they have their own ones?
Com. Dange: They are
there in the general trade unions, part of them are in our trade unions and a
part in the trade unions under the leadership of various petty bourgeois
organizations, but the ‘untouchables’ do not want to participate in the trade
unions established by the Congress.
Further, com. Dange
informed that the peasant movement is intensifying in Pakistan as Pakistan has
the largest number of landowners.
Com. Zhdanov: Are
Hindostan and Pakistan economically very different?
Com. Dange: There is a
big difference. More than 70% of all the industry is concentrated in Hindostan.
Pakistan is the most agrarian part of the country.
Com. Zhdanov: What, in
your opinion, are the prospects of political development in India and what are
the tasks of the Communist Party?
Com. Dange: We perceive
these prospects in the following way. As the English have not been successful
in completely breaking the united Indian organizations and creating these on
religious basis, it is imperative to thwart further divisions in the mass
organizations and continue the struggle for their unification.
Com. Zhdanov: How do you
understand the objectives of unification?
Com. Dange: We believe
that the splintered organizations of the workers be united on the basis of the
concrete demands of the working class. The same needs to be done with the
peasants’ organizations.
Com. Zhdanov: You want
to have common organizations for Hindostan and Pakistan?
Com. Dange: Yes, united.
Com. Zhdanov: And the
Communist Party too?
Com. Dange: Yes, also.
Com. Zhdanov: At present
you have one Communist Party?
Com. Dange: Yes, one.
Further com. Zhdanov
asks com. Dange to explain why the Congress managed to strengthen its
authority.
Comrade Dange opines
that during the war the Congress, taking into account the anti-English
sentiments of the wide masses, opposed the English and by this action acquired
a semblance of a national organisation fighting for the national sovereignty.
The Communist Party
during the war supported the allies, including the English and by this action
weakened its influence as a lot of people could not correctly understand the
position of the Party. A considerable part of the supporters of the Communist
Party during the war shifted to the Congress.
Com. Zhdanov: How do the
masses assess the division of India into Hindostan and Pakistan?
Com. Dange: The section that
follows the Congress and represent its official line – do not support the
division. This cannot be said about the Muslims. They, in their overwhelming
majority, do not support unification and support division.
Com. Zhdanov: If the
communists support unified organizations, would not the people look upon you as
the agents of the Congress, which, as you said, opposes division?
Com. Dange: That is how
the leadership of the Muslim League views us. They are trying to convince the
masses also about the same. But we also have another difficulty. The leadership
of the Congress accuse us of defending the Muslims as we uphold the right of
the nations to self-determination even until secession.
Com. Zhdanov: But the
Hindus and the Muslims are not separate nations, after all they belong to the
same nationality.
Com. Dange: Yes, it is
correct.
Com. Zhdanov: I do not
remember any instance in the last 100-150 years of the establishment of a state
on religious principles.
Com. Dange: Yes, it is
true.
Com. Zhdanov: Is it
really so that religious fanaticism is so strong that it eclipses the national
and class unity of the workers. Are there a lot of atheists in democratic
organizations and what are their views on the state? Com. Zhdanov jokingly
remarked that ‘why do the atheists not ask for a third state of their own?’
Com. Dange: laughed at
the remark and replied ‘it appears that it won’t reach this level of
absurdity’.
At present – continued
comrade Dange – among the working class religious fanaticism is not as strong
as before. The sentiments of class and democratic solidarity among the workers
is dominant. The leadership of the Congress and the Muslim League on the
contrary are trying to promote religious commonality.
Com. Zhdanov: It appears
that the class solidarity and even national, among the Indian workers was
insufficient, and weak, in order to resist the plans of the English and the
internal reaction. Further com. Zhdanov asks com. Dange:
Are there forces in
India, capable of turning the events in a different direction, from Hindostan
and Pakistan to the creation of a unified state, or the perspective is such
that Pakistan and Hindostan would develop and strengthen as independent states?
Com. Dange: Such forces
are present in India, it is the only force – the working class. At present a
struggle is on for the control of this force. The main task of the Communist
Party is not to allow the division of the working class and its organization.
Com. Zhdanov: Evidently,
Nehru and Jinnah appear like national heroes. Apparently, they have support
among the people because they have managed to establish in the dominions two
states which if not totally independent are still independent to a certain
extent. Can the communists afford not to take this into consideration?
Com. Dange: Yes, we are
forced to say this.
Com. Zhdanov: Is there
not the danger that the Communist party would fall between two states?
Com. Dange: No, I don’t
think that we will find ourselves in this position. The support that the
Congress and the League enjoy – is just illusory. The masses will soon turn
away from them as they will get convinced in practice that they will not gain
anything from them.
Com. Zhdanov: But they
(the masses) after all expect something. They hope to gain something. That it
will be worse for them has still not been proved by anyone. After all it needs
to be proven. If the working class is strong, then independent of the number of
states or republics being formed it can still from the worst of the republic
create a good one, create a good state out of a bad one. If it is weak – then
it will not be in a position to create a good state even if it is united. If
among the working class the class solidarity is stronger than religious bias
then it will be capable of leadership independent of the number of states that
may exist in India.
As you know – com
Zhdanov said – part of the territory of the Soviet Union was occupied by the
Germans and forcibly incorporated into the Reich by Hitler. But the patriotism
of the Soviet people under the German rule did not die. They were all the time
hoping to be united with their motherland and they conducted themselves like
Soviet citizens.
Com. Dange: it cannot be
said that the working class of India is so strong. This constitutes our
weakness.
Com. Zhdanov: The
solidarity of the working class in the USSR with the working class and
communists of India has not diminished because two states – Hindostan and
Pakistan – have been established.
Com. Dange: I earnestly
request you to make a critical appraisal of our work basing yourself on the
materials provided by me to you. We need your suggestions.
How important it is for
us I will try to explain by giving just one example. Four years ago when the
issue of Pakistan was raised the Communist Party of India wanted to support
this movement. But this was corrected by the British Communist Party by
pointing out the mistake in our position.
The same opinion was
voiced in the Soviet press by com. Dyakov. Then we decided to come out in
support of an unified state but even now we do not know how correct our
position is.
Com. Zhdanov: We have no
knowledge that com. Dyakov whom you mentioned had asked the CC for suggestions
or consultations or that Dyakov was entrusted to put forward this point of
view. We do not venture to give any suggestions to our Indian comrades
immediately and do not possess the qualities that Dyakov has. It must have been
nothing more than his personal opinion, no more. Please keep this in mind. But
regarding our suggestions, then com. Dange himself has recognized that the
situation in India is very complex and therefore we cannot take upon ourselves
to make any suggestion immediately without a thorough examination of the
issues. This discussion and the information given by com. Dange is just the
first step toward the formulation of any opinion on the questions that interest
the leadership of the Communist Party of India. I believe that com. Dange will
give us the opportunity to think over it, have consultations with the members
of the CC, above all inform com. Stalin and if the CC judges that certain
suggestions can be made, then these would be conveyed before the departure of
com. Dange.
But I request com. Dange
not to be annoyed if we are not able to make suggestions on all the issues
which interest him.
Blood is flowing in
India and somebody is culpable for this bloodshed. If as a result of incorrect
advice further blood flows that will be utterly criminal on our part. The blood
of the Indian worker is costly. We must justify ourselves if we do not give a reply
immediately to these questions.
Com. Dange replied that
he did not mean that immediate response be made on the issues covered by him
and said:
I am very happy that
after many years we have been able to directly inform the CC AUCP (b) and also
talk about our doubts.
Com. Zhdanov: We will
continue to strengthen our ties and we believe that they will be fruitful. We
hope that as a result we will come to know more about the situation in India
and with your help and permission be able to make suggestions.
Com. Dange: I am asking
these questions because we have nobody to consult except the AUCP(b). Earlier
there was the Comintern but it is not there now and we are facing difficulties.
During the visit to Yugoslavia and Bulgaria we met comrades Tito and Dimitrov
and asked for their suggestions.
Com. Zhdanov: We agree,
but request you allow us the opportunity to make good and correct suggestions.
The suspension of the Comintern does not mean that the fraternal parties cannot
have consultations among themselves.
In the end I would like
to say – com. Zhdanov continues – that from all that been said here it follows
that there is no ground for pessimism for the Communist Party of India. There
are forces in India which are stronger than the forces that are bent on dividing
her, and if the Communist Party is able to bring into motion all the forces
then the democratic proletarian movement will be unbreakable.
Com Zhdanov requested
com. Dange that they meet once more before his departure to his country.
Com. Dange expressed his
gratitude for the meeting and with great satisfaction accepted the proposal of
com. Zhdanov regarding another meeting.
Note made by (L.
Baranov)
" " August 1947.
RGASPI F. 17 Op. 128 D.
1127 LL. 219-229.
No. 8.
Top Secret
To,
Comrade A.A. Zhdanov.
I am forwarding to you
the transcript of the discussion with Com. Shripat Amrit Dange, member of the
CC of the Communist Party of India held on the 6th of September of this year.
Enclosure: The previously-mentioned in 4 pages.
Deputy Head of the
Dept. Of the CC AUCP (b) (L. Baranov)
"9" September
1947.
25-B-2449
RGASPI F. 17 Op. 128 D.
1127 L. 230.
No. 9.
Top Secret
Transcript of the Discussion of Comrade A.A. Zhdanov with
Comrade S.A. Dange, Member of the CC of the Communist Party of India
Discussion was held on 6.IX.1947.
In the discussion the
following participated:
Comrade M.A. Suslov,
Secretary of the CC AUCP (b)
Comrade L.C. Baranov
Deputy Head of the Dept of Foreign Policy
CC AUCP (b)
Comrade I.I. Kozlov
Interpreter – Instructor
of the Dept. of Foreign Policy
CC AUCP (b)
Comrade Zhdanov welcomes
com. Dange and informs him that he, i.e. com. Zhdanov, has made a report to the
CC about the questions which were discussed during the previous discussion and
which were of interest to com. Dange and that now he is in a position to reply
and make suggestions.
But com. Zhdanov
cautioned com Dange that he, com Dange, and the Communist Party of India should
not view these suggestions as a directive. If they find these suggestions
useful and correct, they may follow them, and if not – then reject them.
Com. Dange replied that
he understands these sentiments.
1. On the partition of
India into Hindostan and Pakistan and on the situation of the Communist Party
in and other social organizations these circumstances.
Com. Zhdanov states
that, as the partition of India into two states Hindostan and Pakistan has now
become an established fact, and it is now impossible not to take it into
consideration as existing reality, then in the opinion of the CC AUCP (b), the
Communist Party and the Trade Unions it is essential to have separate Communist
Parties and Trade Unions in each of the countries.
The CC AUCP (b) accepts
the fact of the existence of the two states, and whatever may be our attitude
toward the creation of these two states, we have to contend with the fact. As
you know – com. Zhdanov continues – Communist Parties everywhere are
established not on an inter-state basis, but in each state separately.
Depriving a party of the right to exist within a state means depriving it of
the right and possibility to influence the affairs of the state.
This, certainly, does
not exclude – com. Zhdanov says – but, on the contrary, presumes the presence
of fraternal ties and solidarity between the two Communist parties also, just as
these ties and solidarity exist between all the other fraternal communist
parties.
It is understood, – com.
Zhdanov says – that both the parties must take all the measures toward the
cessation of killings between the Muslims and the Hindus, which is happening at
present and toward establishing fraternal relations and solidarity between
them. This is the main task of both the parties. Understandably, both the
parties will become the source of friendship and not enmity. That the parties
would be able to achieve this – says com. Zhdanov – we do not doubt.
2. On the name of the
party.
We are inclined to think
– com. Zhdanov continues – it would be better for the Communist Party of India
to reorganize itself from a communist party into a workers’ and peasants’ party
or a Party of Labour. The experience of other parties shows that the peasantry,
especially during the initial stages, is afraid of the name ‘communist’ and
therefore prefers to organise itself in other parties. In order not to frighten
the peasants away from itself and because the party will be able to rely not
only on the workers, but also on the peasants and the intellectuals, the
communists in India must present themselves in the form of another party, eg.,
the Party of Labour. The way we view the affairs is that when the peasants
become used to considering the party as their own and start to trust it, when
the movement shifts to a new and higher stage, then the peasants will not be
afraid of communist slogans and the name can then be dispensed with in favour
of the old one.
If – says com. Zhdanov –
the Indian communists do not have the aim of the immediate inception of
communism then there is no need to annoy people with communism.
The slogan of the
transition to communism needs to be put forth only when the conditions mature
for this as well as the situation is ripe, when the party has prepared the
masses on the basis of democratic slogans.
I can refer to the
experience of the Communist Party of North Korea, where the Communist Party
united with other democratic organizations, including the peasants’
organizations and formed a single united Party of Labour, established a leading
position for itself in this party and spread its influence over the majority of
the peasants and the population. Thanks to this the communists of north Korea
successfully conducted a series of important democratic reforms and
transformation (nationalization of large scale industry, land reforms, 8 hours
working day at the enterprises, equal rights for women and equal pay for women
and men etc.), established a peoples’ democratic government with prime minister
Kim ir Sen at its head.
We – com. Zhdanov said –
would desire something like this for you too.
We request you not to
think that we want that the Indian communist stop being communists (com. Dange
laughs). It seems that such forms need to be selected which would allow you to
carry the majority of the people with you. We always adhere to the Leninist
principle – com. Zhdanov pointed out – which teaches us not to skirt around the
stages yet to be ushered.
Such is our second
suggestion which comes from a pure heart and a sincere wish for your success.
What concerns the
platform, we think that it should be formulated in accordance with the
prevailing conditions and must envision such democratic reforms that would
change the balance of forces in India in favour of the working people in
preparation for the transition to socialism and destroy the capitalist roots. I
do not consider it is necessary – com Zhdanov said – to talk about the details
of such a platform as the Indian communists are more competent than us. I have
just elaborated the general principles.
3. On the caste
differences and the struggle for the eradication of the remnants of caste
system.
It appears to us that
without the eradication of the remnants of the caste system it is impossible to
move forward as the caste system obstructs the working people from recognizing
class distinctions and replaces these with the distinctions from an archaic
past. We consider – com Zhdanov continued – that this is the most reactionary
vestige and poses the biggest difficulty for the Indian communists. But the
Communist Party must make all efforts in order to eliminate these vestiges
though we are aware that this cannot be achieved in the near future.
We request the Indian
comrades – com. Zhdanov said – to pay serious attention to this question.
These are the basic
suggestions of the CC AUCP(b).
Regarding some specific
questions – com. Zhdanov said – we also give a positive reply.
We have no objection to
Indian communists studying here taking into consideration the organization of
such studies in the near future.
We positively relate to
your proposal for more frequent visits for trade union delegations to USSR.
We will be very happy to
have direct ties with the Communist Party, but there are certain difficulties
in this area and therefore for the time being we will have to limit ourselves
to certain ‘occasions’. We recommend you to include communists with specific
commissions in future delegations.
Regarding improving the
supply of materials relating to the Soviet Union – said com. Zhdanov – it will
be done through various state and social organizations (Sovinformbureau,
Mezhdunarodnaya Kniga, Voks etc) that are meant for the purpose of strengthening
cultural ties with foreign countries.
Com. Dange expressed his
gratitude for the suggestions and said that all the major issues on which he
has had discussions would be placed before the CC CP on his return.
At the same time com.
Dange drew attention to the unsatisfactory working of the Sovinformbureau and
the Radiocommittee (the transmissions are conducted in incomprehensible
language) and requested that measures be taken for improving the working of
these organizations.
Comrade Zhdanov promised
to take the necessary measures and also requested that the Indian communists
also intensify their efforts to conduct radio propaganda of the Soviet Union as
this would produce much better results than the Soviet people themselves.
Com. Dange concurred.
Written: (L. Baranov)
8th September 1947.
RGASPI F. 17 Op. 128 D.
1127 LL 231-234.
These documents are
reproduced here by the kind permission of the authorities of the Russian State
Archive of Social and Political History (RGASPI). We are grateful to M.A. Siderov
for drawing our attention to this body of documents. They have been translated
from the Russian by Tahir Asghar.
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